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Monday, August 21, 2006

I know it's been awhile since I've last updated, and much of that has had to do with being out of town the majority of the summer, but I've come across an article that is rather poingant. This particular article is from Amnesty Magazine and deals with the issue of diamond mining in the Sierra Leone region. This particular issue affects thousands of children and adults alike. I hope that if nothing else, this article increases your awareness and encourages you to pray for those you don't know suffering around the world.

Amnesty Magazine


 

Blood Diamonds


Illicit diamonds make fabulous profits for terrorists and corporarations alike. The trade illustrates with the hard clarity of the gem itself that no matter where human rights violations occur, the world ignores them at its peril.

BY GREG CAMPBELL
Greg Campbell is the author of the forthcoming Blood Diamonds: Tracing the Deadly Path of the World's Most Precious Stones (Westview Press), to be released in September 2002.

In April 2001, when Jusu Lahia was 15 years old, he was wounded by an exploding rocket-propelled grenade. A lieutenant in Sierra Leone's Revolutionary United Front (RUF), Lahia was picked off during a battle in one of the most remote corners of the planet. He was among thousands of victims of a war fought for control of one of the world's most precious commodities: a fortune in raw diamonds that have made their way from the deadly jungles of Sierra Leone onto the rings and necklaces of happy lovers the world over.

Workmen shoveling in the yellow dirt of a diamond mine, a young boy in close up
Many of the prisoner-laborers who work Sierra Leone's open-pit mines end up in shallow graves, executed for suspected theft, for lack of production, or simply for sport. (© Jean-Claude Coutausse/ CONTACT Press Images)

Arms merchants, feeding on the diamond trade, bankrolled local armies and made fortunes for transnational corporations. The profits also filled the coffers of Al Qaeda, and possibly Hezbollah–terrorist organizations notorious for committing human rights violations, including crimes against humanity.

When Lahia sprawled to the earth–shards of hot metal ripped his body from face to groin, destroying his left eye– few who eventually wore the gems he fought over could even locate Sierra Leone. And fewer still could find the Parrot's Beak, a small wedge of land that juts between the borders of neighboring Liberia and Guinea, directly into the line of fire between warring rebel factions in those countries. Rebel forces of all three nations were shooting it out with one another, as well as with the legitimate governments of all three countries and with an unknown number of local indigenous militias that were fighting for reasons of their own. The baffling and intense crossfire made the Parrot's Beak one of the deadliest 50-square-mile plots of land on the planet in 2001, and when Lahia went down in a hail of exlpoding schrapnel, he likely knew that he was far from the type of medical help that could save his life.

The RUF child soldier did not suffer alone. In the Parrot's Beak in mid-2001, some 50,000 refugees from Sierra Leone, Liberia, and Guinea were steadily dying from starvation, disease, and war wounds. The region was too hot for even the most daredevil humanitarian relief organizations.


Child soldier Jusu Lahia lies paralyzed with tetanus in a backwater hospital. (© Chris Hondros)

Lahia was carried to a bare, fire-blackened hospital room in Kailahun, the RUF's stronghold in the Parrot's Beak, and dumped on a pile of hay that served as a bed. When I first saw him there, surrounded by chaos, heat, and filth, I found it hard to remember that the cause of all this suffering– thousands of doomed refugees, well-armed but illiterate and drugged combatants, fallen wounded like Lahia, and injured civilian children– was brutally simple: the greed for diamonds. Certainly, there was nothing nearly as lustrous or awe-inspiring as a diamond in the blood-stained room where Lahia was dying of a tetanus infection, next to another felled 15 year-old. Powerless to treat him, the RUF field medics had simply taped his wounds shut and left him wracked with sweats and shivers.

AMPUTATION IS FOREVER

Sadly, Kailahun wasn't the worst of it. The RUF began its jewelry heist in 1991, using the support of neighboring Liberia to capture Sierra Leone's vast wealth of diamond mines. Since then, the rebels have carried out one of the most brutal military campaigns in recent history, to enrich themselves as well as the genteel captains of the diamond industry living far removed from the killing fields. The RUF's signature tactic was amputation of civilians: Over the course of the decade-long war, the rebels have mutilated some 20,000 people, hacking off their arms, legs, lips, and ears with machetes and axes. This campaign was the RUF's grotesquely ironic response to Sierra Leone President Ahmad Tejan Kabbah's 1996 plea for citizens to “join hands for peace.” Another 50,000 to 75,000 have been killed. The RUF's goal was to terrorize the population and enjoy uncontested dominion over the diamond fields.

While the RUF terrorized and looted the countryside, thousands of prisoner-laborers, worked to exhaustion, digging up the gems from muddy open-pit mines. Many ended up in shallow graves, executed for suspected theft, for lack of production, or simply for sport.

The international diamond industry's trading centers in Europe funded this horror by buying up to $125 million worth of diamonds a year from the RUF, according to U.N. estimates. Few cared where the gems originated, or calculated the cost in lives lost rather than carats gained. The RUF used its profits to open foreign bank accounts for rebel leaders and to finance a complicated network of gunrunners who kept the rebels well-equipped with the modern military hardware they used to control Sierra Leone's diamonds. The weapons—and the gems the rebels sold unimpeded to terrorist and corporate trader alike—allowed the RUF to fight off government soldiers, hired mercenaries, peacekeepers from a regional West African reaction force, British paratroopers, and, until recently, the most expansive and expensive peacekeeping mission the U.N. has ever deployed.

Throughout most of the war from 1991 to January 2002, this drama played itself out in obscurity. During the RUF's worst assaults, international media pulled journalists out of the country in fear for their safety. Local citizens were left to fend for themselves against bloodthirsty and drugged child soldiers. Commanders often cut the children's arms and packed the wounds with cocaine; marijuana was everywhere.

Until the deployment of the U.N. mission in 1999, the developed countries also washed their hands of the situation, doing little more than imposing sanctions on diamond exports and weapons sales to the small country. These efforts did nothing to end the RUF's diamonds-for-guns trade because most of the RUF'S goods were smuggled out of Sierra Leone and sold into the mainstream from neighboring countries.

HOME TO ROOST

In a mistake that was to come home to roost, the West dismissed Sierra Leone's war as little more than a baffling and tragic waste of life that had little impact on their own economic interests— and even less on their national security.

Then on September 11, 2001, the world saw horrifying evidence of the peril of ignoring such conflagrations and their related gross violations of human rights.

For years, terrorists had been exploiting both the world's disdain for intervening in Sierra Leone and the international diamond industry's tacit funding of war. At least three African wars—in Sierra Leone, Angola, and the Democratic Republic of Congo—had been good for business, ensuring high and stable global prices for diamonds.

Beginning as early as 1998, the same year Al Qaeda operatives reportedly blew up U.S. embassies in Kenya and Sudan, Osama bin Laden's terrorist network began buying diamonds from the RUF of Sierra Leone, according to FBI sources quoted in the Washington Post.

The paper also reported that two of the Al Qaeda men implicated in those attacks—Ahmed Khalfan Ghailani and Fazul Abdullah Mohammed—were in Sierra Leone in 2001, overseeing RUF diamond production.

As recently as mid-2001, a mere three months before the World Trade Center and Pentagon attacks, Al Qaeda had laundered millions of dollars by buying untraceable diamonds from the rebels. In the wake of Sept. 11, the United States and its allies in the “war on terrorism” froze more than $100 million worth of Al Qaeda assets worldwide. But the terrorists likely have an ace in the hole in the form of diamonds from Sierra Leone, wealth that can be easily and quickly sold and is virtually untraceable.

UNSPINNABLE DISASTER

Even before 9/11, the diamond merchants were getting nervous. Media and human rights groups began exposing the complicity of the romance industry in fueling wars. They also challenged the notion that Sierra Leone was simply another isolated post-cold war conflict that was troubling in its brutality but irrelevant to the national interests of developed countries.

Campaigns launched by Global Exchange and Amnesty International against conflict diamonds threatened to replace the image of a diamond sparkling on the graceful hand of a lover with that of the truncated stump of a child amputee's arm. One diamond company executive is rumored to have had nightmares in which the tag line at the end of De Beers television commercials read, “Amputation Is Forever.”

The industry grew increasingly amenable to the idea of curtailing the flow of blood diamonds. In 2000, Global Witness, a San Francisco-based non-governmental organization, joined with diamond industry representatives and officials from diamond exporting and importing countries to form the Kimberley Process. AI soon joined the negotiating effort, but according to Adotei Akwei, AIUSA's senior advocacy director for Africa, “the NGOs never had much power. We were allowed at the table but were seldom diners.”

Despite many meetings, the panel failed to reach a consensus on how to end the trade in blood diamonds. The U.S. Congress, too, faced intense lobbying. In 2000, Rep. Tony Hall (D-Ohio) introduced the Clean Diamond Act, a bill that sought to enact into law whatever import and export controls the Kimberley Process would adopt. The bill languished because of serious concerns over provisions added at the request of the Bush administration that—according to NGOs, the industry, and some senators— fatally compromised the bill.

The 9/11 terrorist attacks, along with a blistering Washington Post investigation by Doug Farrah into Al Qaeda's large purchases of Sierra Leone diamonds, raised the stakes. While associating with bloodthirsty rebels was a formidable PR challenge for the diamond industry, funding the terrorists who attacked the U.S. was simply unspinnable.

Last November, the Kimberley Process agreed to a set of regulations that would require that all cross-border diamond transactions be accompanied by a non-forgeable paper trail, indicating when and where every imported stone was discovered. The Clean Diamond Act followed suit and was passed by the House of Representatives 408- 6. It is currently awaiting a vote in the Senate.

Unfortunately, neither action is halting the lucrative trade: “Efforts to end the trade in conflict diamonds ran into a major obstacle in the Bush administration, which has been reluctant to impede business in any way or have its hands tied by any international agreements, even when the U.S. diamond industry has called for it,” says Akwei.

Nor is a better paper trail foolproof. Diamonds are sufficiently small and portable to make it unlikely that any regime of certificates or guarantees will ensure that diamonds originate in conflict-free areas. Indeed, it seems that the only sure-fire way to eradicate conflict diamonds is to see an end to the conflicts where diamonds are found. As evidence, we can look again at Sierra Leone, where the war was officially declared over in January. With hostilities ended and the RUF disarmed and disbanded, diamond production is once again in the hands of the government and international exploration companies. The trick now is to see if the government can adeptly handle the complexities of mining and taxing so that the majority of revenue is reinvested, and to ensure that Sierra Leone finally benefits from diamonds rather than being torn apart by them.

THE SHAME OF IT ALL

Throughout the 1990s, children like Jusu Lahia armed themselves with diamond-purchased AK-47s and, under the nose of the United Nations, helped the rebels sell the gems to terrorists. People had their hands chopped off by RUF units and were sent wandering hopelessly to spread the message of terror. West African “peacekeepers” were so inept in their defense of Sierra Leone's civilian population that charges of human rights violations are leveled at them as frequently as they are at the RUF. Nigerian soldiers serving a regional West African peacekeeping force killed civilians suspected of aiding RUF, tortured children suspected of being RUF, and slaughtered hospital patients in their efforts to rid Freetown of rebels. It is no stretch to say that Sierra Leone disintegrated during the 1990s into a murderous sinkhole of death and torture, all of it fueled by the sale of diamonds to respectable merchants throughout the world.

The shame of it all is that it took a catastrophic attack on American soil for anyone to notice. Developed nations bought Sierra Leone's blood-soaked diamonds without question throughout the 1990s, apparently untroubled that the sales affected millions of Africans in a mostly forgotten and impoverished jungle.

Only after the effects of the RUF's diamond war were slammed home—like a blade through the bones of a forearm—did anyone sit up and take notice.

If nothing else, the story of Sierra Leone's diamond war has proved unequivocally that the world ignores Africa and its problems at its peril. Events far from home often have very tangible impacts, and Sierra Leone has shown the world that there is no longer any such thing as an “isolated, regional conflict.” Perhaps there never was.


Tuesday, April 04, 2006

Before I begin, perhaps I should preface this website with a few words...... this website, is not intended to incite sympathy from unwilling individuals. I created this website with the hopes that people who read it can become more educated about the occurences in the Darfur region of the Sudan.

I suppose it's fair to ask, Why the Sudan? When there seem to be horrible things happening all around the world right now...  and that's an answer I don't have for you. and one I'm still waiting on from God. All I know right now, is that God has laid this burden on my heart, and that's all I need to know.

When I first started to feel God's call in this area of my  life, I knew very little about the crisis in the Sudan. My steadfast interest in the situation began with a small research project done my freshman year..and the crisis has been on my heart ever since. It's simple to forget about most things we do in school, but for some reason, this situation seemed rooted deeper than that, for me at least.

After the project finished I single-mindedly kept researching the situation, developing a true interest not in the crisis itself..but in the people being victimized by the situation.

And that is where God has me now. No, I'm not a missionary in the Sudan.. yet. But until I feel God telling me Go, I want to do what I can here.

I think that we cannot expect people to reach out, if they don't understand who or what they're reaching out to. That''s only fair. That's where this website comes in. No, it won't be a tutorial, or a reference..but I hope to be able to provide links, pictures, organization information, contact information, and any other things I can to help people become more aware of this situation.

If this is all new to you, and you're saying.. What's the Sudan? What's going on there? Then don't feel bad..and please don't let that keep you from checking some of these things out. Here is an article from Time Magazine that gives some pretty detailed background on the situation... it's an older article, but unfortunately the people have no yet seen peace...

Africa | Sudan Nightmare In The Sand
In western Sudan, civil war has led to an apparent campaign of ethnic cleansing. For the hundreds of thousands of innocents who fled, there are no homes or villages left to go back to


MARCO LONGARI/AFP-GETTY IMAGES
ANOTHER: A refugee from Sudan's Darfur region crosses into Chad on her way to the Tine refugee camp
 printsendsubscribe

Sunday, May. 09, 2004
For Halime Hassan Osman, Sudan is no place to pray. The wells that once supplied water for her daily ablutions now belong to members of the Janjaweed, a rampaging, government-backed Arab militia that has forced hundreds of thousands of black villagers like Osman to flee their homes in western Sudan. Osman, about 50, now lives in an unsheltered refugee camp in Mahatama, Chad. After a failed attempt to recover her belongings from her village, she prays in a dry riverbed along the border between Sudan and Chad. She and other elderly women are the only ones from the camp who attempt the return. "If the men go, they will kill them," she says. "If it's a young woman, they rape her. That's why it's us, the old women, who go see."

What they have witnessed is a campaign of attacks that were labeled "ethnic cleansing" last week by Human Rights Watch — a charge Sudan denies. In the western Sudanese region of Darfur, a 14-month-long war between the government and the region's black African rebel Sudan Liberation Army has displaced more than a million black villagers and sent more than 100,000 fleeing into Chad. (The conflict in Darfur is not part of the country's 21-year-long civil war between Khartoum and rebels in the south, which is inching toward a peace deal.) In interviews with Time, Sudanese refugees described scenes of Janjaweed fighters dressed in military uniforms marauding through villages on horses and camels, stealing livestock and burning houses. The Arab militias, nomadic cattleherders who have long competed for land with Darfur's black farmers, are backed by Sudanese troops and warplanes.
If you're black and you're educated, they shoot you.
— ABAKAR ISMAIL AHMAD, refugee
At least 10,000 blacks have died since the government stepped up its attacks on civilians last summer; according to Human Rights Watch, in one instance Arab militants loaded 136 villagers into army trucks, forced them to kneel, and shot them. "They say: 'You are the slaves to the Arabs, and you are born for the profit of the Arabs,'" says refugee Abakar Ismail Ahmad, 57. "If you're black and edu-cated, you're suspected of being a rebel, and they shoot you."

When the Janjaweed attacked her village last February, Salga Mahadir ran to her son's house and called for him to flee, but he came out to a street full of militia. "He said, 'There are too many weapons. Mother, come inside,'" says Salga's sister, Ashta. The gunmen shot Salga and killed her son. "The bullets were falling like water," says Ashta. The horsemen set fire to the village. Salga slid to safety as the flames approached, then watched as her son's body burned. Today, Salga is in too much pain to talk. Her arms, which once dug wells, have withered nearly to the bone. "She doesn't eat," Ashta says. "We don't know if she'll recover or if she will die."

The Sudanese government has promised to observe a cease-fire in Darfur, and recently allowed U.S. officials to visit the region. With the flood season approaching, the camps in western Sudan and Chad are at risk from isolation and outbreaks of disease. Most black villages have been abandoned; the Janjaweed raid them more than once to send the message that it's not safe to return. "You won't see someone with black skin in western Darfur," says Adulrahman Abdullah Abakar, 65, a refugee in Mahatama.

For those forced from their homes, there is nothing left to return to. When the sky darkens in Mahatama, flames can be seen rising from Sudan. They glow for about 10 minutes, then fade away. The Janjaweed are passing through, say the refugees, torching what they missed.

From the May. 17, 2004 issue of TIME Europe magazine

 

 

I don't know how often I will update this... but if you stumble accross it, please let others know about it. Please keep these people in your prayers. Thank you all so much, and God Bless.

Here are some other (more recent)  links:

http://www.cnn.com/2005/WORLD/africa/12/30/egypt.sudanese/index.html

http://www.cnn.com/2004/WORLD/africa/11/02/sudan.army/index.html

http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/africa/3692005.stm

http://www.sudan.net/news/posted/12725.html